――In Light of the U.N. Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples――

☝ Snoqualmie Falls, WA, USA, one of my favorite places.

Call for Information

A Mysterious Catholic Sister Who Studied the “Mysterious” Ainu People
――Did Sister Mary Inez Hilger Collect Blood Samples from her “Sky People”?――

In late November I began to work again on a manuscript I had left undone for a certain personal reason almost four years ago, and sent its Introduction to a handful of people. Its tentative title is “A Preliminary Study on the ‘Bloody’ Biocolonialism against the Ainu People -- Some Issues to Consider --.”

Within a day or two, an Ainu person contacted me, saying that s/he had her blood taken by a Catholic Sister from England for 500 yen or so when s/he was a middle school student*1. This reminded me of the Cambridge Expedition that collected blood samples from 187 Ainu people in the Hidaka region in 1964*2. But a Catholic Sister collecting Ainu blood? Why? Besides, American? I just couldn’t think of any research expedition from the United States in the mid-1960s.

The Ainu person told me that there was a picture of him/her-self taken then in a book published by a certain American institute, and that s/he had her blood taken “in a fine black car” during the Sister’s research. S/he vaguely remembers that the driver and a nurse were also in the car. S/he sent me the Sister’s name -- Inez Hilger -- that was in the book. I found her picture immediately on the web and sent it to him/her, which seemed to have confirmed his/her memories of the Sister’s face and impressive gray habit.

S/he asked me to write to the Institute that published the book, but I was reluctant to move without confirming some basic facts first. Then my research on Sister Mary Inez Hilger started. I have decided to post my preliminary report here and seek information and assistance from my readers. The above-mentioned writing I resumed in November has been stopped ever since!

The Sister was Mary Inez Hilger, “a scholar of international reputation*3,” who stayed in Hokkaido for eight months from June 1965 to February 1966, conducting her anthropological research in Nibutani, Asahikawa, Mukawa, Shiraoi, Shizunai, and so on. She published an article, ”Japan’s ‘Sky People,’ the Vanishing Ainu” in the February 1967 issue of National Geographic. She was 73-74 years old then*4 and passed away ten years later, on May 18, 1977.

According to the obituary by American Anthropologist*5 and the article of the CSB Archives cited above, Hilger’s anthropological career started late, after 25 years of teaching at primary, middle-school, and college levels. After graduating from the University of Minnesota in 1923, with a BA in history, she finished her Master’s and Doctoral degrees at the Catholic University of America, respectively, in 1925 and in 1939. Inspired by Margaret Mead at Catholic University, Hilger became interested in the children’s life in various cultures. Her Ph. D. dissertation was on Chippewa families in Minnesota.

Hilger’s professional interest was in indigenous peoples in the United States and Chile. Beginning with the Chippewa, her publications cover many indigenous peoples, including Arapaho, Cheyenne, Sioux, Hopi, Menomini, Crow, and so on, with whom she conducted her field studies on the cultures “in crisis.” Her expanded interest led her to southern Chile to study the Araucanians in 1946.

Hilger came to Japan in 1962 and taught anthropology at the University of Tokyo and other universities for a year, while she seems to have carried out her preliminary study of Ainu culture. She contributed an article to a Japanese newspaper in 1963*6, and published another in the American Benedictine Academy’s journal in 1964*7.

Hilger’s publications concerning the Ainu people, published after her 1965-1966 research, include, in addition to the above-mentioned National Geographic article, ”Mysterious ‘Sky People’: Japan's Dwindling Ainu” (pp. 92-113) in National Geographic Society’s Vanishing Peoples of the Earth (1968); ”The Ainu of Japan” (reprinted from National Geographic Society Research Reports, 1964 Projects, pp. 91-103, 1969); a half-page review of “Canoes of the Ainu,” an educational film produced by American Educational Films and the Hokkaido Educational Commission in 1968 and released in 1969, in American Anthropologist, 72 (1979), p. 1576; and her last book, Together with the Ainu, a Vanishing People (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1971). “The Ainu of Japan,” a report submitted to her sponsor, the National Geographic Society, was based on the preceding two articles.

It is tempting to write a critique of these publications, but that is not the purpose here. It may suffice to point out that the words used in each of her works, such as “vanishing,” “dwindling,” etc., reflect the ideology of then prevalent salvage ethnography and anthropology*8.

We have not found out its reason and purpose yet, but the 1967 National Geographic article was translated by Seiichirou Nakamura and published by a cultural study group in Tomakomai. This booklet seems to be the only one of Hilger’s writings that is available in Japanese.

As I wrote above, the Ainu person sent me a photo, as well as her experience with the Sister. S/he wishes to know who took the picture for what purpose, where the original print and its negative are now, and if there are any other pictures of her/him-self and her/his family. And one more thing, s/he wishes to know why her/his blood was taken and what has since happened to it. Both issues are important, but it would be a considerably sensational and very sensitive issue if a Catholic Sister collected the blood of an Ainu child by herself. S/he asked me if I could write letters of inquiry to the organizations concerned.

I gathered the background information of various kinds, including what is presented above, with the help of a few old acquaintances without letting them know about the Ainu person. Their help enabled me to act quickly.

The Ainu person and I chose to approach the two issues separately so as not to invite suspicions from the parties concerned. According to Hilger, she was accompanied by two photographers, Gorou Tsuda of Nippon Housou Kyoukai (NHK, or Japan Broadcasting Corporation) (NHK) and Eiji Miyazawa of Black Star, Inc.. The photo we are looking for might be kept somewhere in Japan, but we have not been able to obtain any information about these two photographers. So we agreed to ask the two organizations that are most likely to have the photo. They have been doing the search, and we have been waiting.

The problem is about the blood taking. There seems to be no mention of that anywhere in her publications. After all, while other anthropological researchers collected blood samples collectively from Ainu people in such public places as elementary schools and community halls where others can see, s/he had her blood taken in a private car. That means that we have no witnesses. We may infer from that method as well as her social position that Hilger must not have left any record of her deed in the documents to be made public. I asked an archivist of the Archives of the Catholic University of America if there are any private papers, such as diaries and/or journals, but his answer was negative, unfortunately.

Well, if there is no evidence of taking blood in Hilger’s writings, we have no other choice but to gather testimonies. Were there not any other Ainu whose bloods were taken in a similar manner?

In the Appendix A of Hilger’s Together with the Ainu, there is a list of “Ainu Who Assisted Us in the Study” in which fifty-seven Ainu (twenty-eight men and twenty-nine women) are listed*9. The Ainu person knows of all the people from the area which s/he comes from, and about one-third of those fifty-seven, as well. Unfortunately, however, as I expected when I obtained the list, thre are few survivors today. Since the research was done in 1965-1966, those older than 42 to 43 years of age at the time are now over 100 years old. Out of those fifty-seven, there are only eight people who were younger than 42-43 years old. Mr. Shigeru Kayano, who already passed away, was 40 years old then. There are two people whose ages were unknown. There are four wives whose names are not given, but their husbands were all in their late fifties to sixties. Of the eight people under 100 years old today, s/he knows of only three, but all the three have been dead. The remaining are five -- a 15-year-old boy*10, a 25-year-old woman, a 30-year-old man, and two 35-year-old men.

At this stage of our research, we noticed an interesting fact. Although Hilger focused on the people who practiced their “dying” culture, in order to study the “vanishing” people and culture, it is hard to believe that the researcher who had a special interest in indigenous children did not attempt to contact and study Ainu children during her eight months’ stay. As a matter of fact, she did have a contact with the Ainu person concerned. Besides, toward the end of the NG article, she frequently refers to Ainu children with some photos, for example, two children in the picture of the three-generation family of Setsu Mikami in Mukawa (pp. 284-285), Shigeru Kayano’s thirteen-year-old son (p. 290), Taro Sasaki’s two-year-old child (p. 293), another two-year-old child (p. 295), and a fifth-grade girl in Nibutani (p. 295). To the last picture of the fifth-grader, she*11

Returning to the list of Ainu people in Hilger’s book, its heading, as already mentioned, is “Ainu Who Assisted Us in the Study.” Why are there not any names of children but the only 15-year-old boy? Is it because there were too many children to list up” Or is it because she and her staff people did not care about recording their names? Or because their contributions were not considered as significant as to be acknowledged*12, the Smithonian Institute of which she was a research associate. She was supported by the Wenner-Gren Foundation in Chile*13. Considering the international circumstances in which the bloods of “vanishing” indigenous peoples were being sought throughout the world, including the International Biological Progam (IBP) that had started in 1964 and the Cambridge Expedition that collected blood samples from 187 Ainu people in Hidaka, Hokkaido also in 1964, we are tempted to make such an inference.

Hilger was accompanied by two Japanese women as assistants and interpreters: Chiye Sano, Associate Professor of Anthropology at Nanzan University and Midori Yamaha who had recently earned her M.A. in sociology from Loyola University. We haven’t got any information about the former, and the latter, unfortunately, has already passed away.

To be honest, I was surprised when I first heard from the Ainu person concerned about his/her experience. Little had I thought that s/he would let it happen today. But s/he was very young and vulnerable. Medical and anthropological researchers have “collected” human tissues as “samples” from various indigenous peoples in vulnerable situations over a century. Most of those adult Ainu who are listed as assistants in Hilger’s book probably did not have their blood taken. The Ainu person concerned wishes to know the truth. What was Hilger’s purpose of taking her blood? What has happened to her blood? Was it used as a material for any lab research and disposed of? For what kind of research? Or has it been stored in the freezer of a certain lab anywhere, waiting for a secondary or even tertiary use? Or is it considered usekess and waiting to be discarded now that its possessor no longer exists in this world, as was the case with the huge collections in the U.S. and Australia?

The children at the time of Hilger’s research now lives in various regions, and it is extremely difficult for him/her to gather testimonies by him/her-self. S/he, however, wishes to establish the fact that the Sister collected bloods from Ainu children (and perhaps adults, too) and move on to the next step/stage.

I encountered an interesting piece of information in the early stage of this research. A blog post here shows a picture of the front cover of the Japanese translation of Hilger’s “Japan’s ‘Sky People,’ the Vanishing Ainu.” According to the last two paragraphs, Dr. George Hunt Williamson, known as the pioneer researcher of UFOs, came to Japan on August 16, 1961 and flew to Hokkaido on the 19th. After meeting with Professor Sakuzaemon Kodama, who collected the bones and funerary objects of about a thousand dead Ainu from their graveyards, Williamson visited the Ainu residential area in Asahikawa on the 20th, Fugoppe Cave and the Ainu kotan in Biratori on the 21st. In Biratori, he learned about the oral mythology of the Okikurmi kamuy from a Saru Ainu elder. The YouTube video linked above says that Williamson visited Japan for the promotion of the Japanese translation of his book, Other Tongues Other Flesh from August 16 to September 25, 1961 at the invitation of Yuusuke Matsumura, the organizer of the Cosmic Brotherhood Association (CBA)*14, she briefly introduces various hypotheses as to the origin of the Ainu people, and then describes their conversation in the section of “Flying Saucers No Puzzle to Guest.”

“The end of the Ainu is at hand” -- Hilger quoted Kuwada as if to emphasize the state of “vanishing” here again. Kuwada, however, went on to say that he could tell her of “their beginning.” He then declared: “They came from the skies .... Their ancestors were space people --- the same who still live in the clouds and send those flying saucers to earth.” In connection with this, then, referring to the monument of an Ainu creation mythology on a hill in Biratori, Hilger brings out her episode of learning during her field research “that many an Ainu elder believes in this legend of the Ainu’s origin in space.” This is the origin of Hilger’s calling the Ainu “Sky People.” But the readers cannot know about it unti they come to this section toward the end of the article.*15.

Getting back to Williamson, moreover, the YouTube video referred to above discusses that he went through three stages of life and that in July 1951, a year before the second stage began, he moved to the Chippewa tribe in Minnesota at the age of 24 and lived with a family there till May 1952. He wrote a memoire entitled “Chippewa Diary.” I do not know if there is any reference to Hilger in it, but the Chippewa tribe might be a key that links the two.

Did the Ainu person have his/her blood taken as a sample of the descendants of “ancient astronauts” or space people? That is a joke s/he cannot laugh about and that we’d better not enter into. The Ainu were an “enigma” to Hilger, but she is really an enigma to them (and to us, too) today.

The second stage of Williamson’s life ended after his visit to Japan. He changed his name in 1962 and lived till he died of a heart attack on January 25, 1986. “The exact date of his death,” the author of the book on Williamson’s life says, “was still unknown just a few months ago” (in 2012?), and his cremated ashes are buried in Arlington National Cemetery, “literally under the windows of the Pentagon.” Thus, this too is a mystery!

*1:I am keeping his/her personal information -- name, sex, age, living place, etc. -- concealed or blurred in order to avoid identificaiton of the person. I asked the person concerned to check the Japanese version of this post, and obtained his/her consent to making it public here.

*2:Cf. 「1964年のケンブリッジ調査隊によるアイヌ血液採取と東大研究者による1970年の公刊論文のためのアイヌ血液採取」(April 28, 2018)

*3:"SISTER M. INEZ HILGER, O.S.B. 1891-1977," American Anthropologist, Vol. 80 (1978), p. 650.

*4:She had her birthday on October 16 during her stay.

*5:Ibid., p. 650-653.

*6:“Culture and Human Behavior,” The Mainichi Daily News, February 3 & 4

*7:“Culture Changes in Japan,” American Benedictine Review 15:4.

*8:For a critique of Hilger’s Together with the Ainu, see Fred C. C. Peng’s review in American Anthropologist, Vol. 74 (1972), pp. 1434-1439. Peng points out Hilger’s two interrelated methodological problems that led to the weaknesses of her work. First, Hilger, upon arrival in Japan, went to the Imperial Household Agency of the Japanese government for help. Second, she seems to have uncritically accepted “everything her informants told her.” Here I wish to pay a particular attention to the first pitfall she fell into, that is, she “worked from the top down to ‘reach’ the Ainu.” The notifications were sent from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Tokyo to the Hokkaido Governor’s office in Sapporo, whence to the local mayor’s offices, and then to the Ainu in each locality. This flow of notifications may well have been effective in obtaining obedient cooperation from the Ainu she studied. It also worked against Hilger who, Peng pointed out, “felt obligated not to say anything that might in her judgment offend the Japanese government.” As a result, Hilger “lost objectivity and a sense of balance in the analysis of her data (or even in the elicitation of her data).” (Underlined by the present author.) In Hilger’s discussion of discrimination, we find those empty words we often hear from bureaucrats and “intellectuals” today, as if they had consulted her book.

*9:pp. 203-205.

*10:Later, the person found that this boy had already passed away.

*11:Or it is possible that the captions to the photos in the article were written by her staff photographer or the editor of National Geographic. For example, the caption to the picture entitled “So big!” begins with “”Distinguished ethnologist Sister Mary Inez Hilger,” which seems awkward to me. (p. 273))) adds a caption that starts with “Bright face to the future.” The next sentence, however, goes: “Unlike most children of this vanishing people, she has learned from her family to feel special pride in her Ainu heritage.” Again, not only is this girl introduced as an exception of this people with the adjective of “vanishing,” but also the photo depicts her practicing “Japanese calligraphy.” The mid-1960s were when the pressures of various kinds from the Government’s assimilation policy were exerted upon the Ainu people. “Reticence” of the parents’ generation in those days, Hilger writes, “hampered me a little in certain areas of my child study,” but she was able to learn much about traditional Ainu child rearing from the generation of grandparents. Contrasting the three generations under such circumstances, she declares that “[t]he new generation are not really Ainu children at all.”((pp. 292-293.

*12:One of the pictures, just suitable for Hilger who seems to have wished to depict the differences among the three generations, shows a supper scene of an Ainu family near Mukawa. To this picture, Hilger added that “[t]his family’s teen-agers left the room rather than be associated with the study of the Ainu.” (pp. 284-285.)))? Whatever the reason(s), I was afraid that the person concerned might be identified if we mentioned this list because I had expected to find his/he name there. But his/her name is not there in spite of the possibility that she might have contributed to their study with her blood. We see his/her mother’s name there. Then, would it mean that there were other children of his/her generation and of younger age who went through the same or similar experiences as his/hers? If that’s the case, can’t we obtain testimonies from those then children, if no longer from their parents? There is another possibility. Indeed, Hilger may not have needed much assistance from children in her cultural study. It might be that she collected blood from the person concerned -- and possibly from his/her mother -- at the request of other researcher(s) and/or research institution(s). They could be Japanese researcher(s), the National Geographic Society that made Hilger’s “long-time dream come true” with a grant((Ibid., p. 268

*13:American Anthropologist, op. cit. (1978), p. 650

*14:Reportedly, he built the now desertedHayopira (or Hayokpira) Natural Park in Biratori in 1964 with 3.5 million yen in the name of the Okikurmi project, i.e., to contact UFOs, and held a lavish ceremony with a large number of guests including foreign diplomats. I had a hunch that Hilger’s idea of “Sky People” might have something to do with Williamson and UFOs. Actually, Hilger wrote about her first encounter with the “Sky People” in the 1967 National Geographic article, the first output from her Hokkaido research. While being back in Tomakomai for a few days during her research, Hilger received a phone call from a Japanese man named Tsutomu Kuwada. He told Hilger that he knew “where the Ainu came from!” and could help her. Although Hilger says in her 1969 report to the National Geographic Society that “[t]here is no doubt that the Ainu are Caucasoid,” judging by their appearances((Hilger (1969), op. cit., p. 91. It is ironic that this view has been denied by such genetic anthropologists as Saitou Naruya and Omoto Keiichi, who collected blood samples from at least more than fifty Ainu people in the past and reused them for their recent genetic studies. Of course, I am not going to delve into this issue here.

*15:pp. 290-292.



―イーネズ M. ヒルガー シスターは、彼女の「空の民」から血液標本を収集したのか?―


 その直後、一人のアイヌ(A*1)から、中学生の時に当時のお金で500円くらい貰って、イギリスからきた教会のシスターに血を採られたという話が舞い込んできた。この時、私は、1964年に日本に調査に来て、日高地方の187人のアイヌから血液を採取して帰ったケンブリッジ調査隊のことではないかと思った*2。しかし、シスターが採血? なぜ?そしてすぐに、シスターはアメリカ人だったという訂正が入った。それでも私の疑問は深まった。そのような調査は、まったく思いつかなかったからである。
 Aさんは、アメリカのある機関が出版した本の中に自分の写真があり、その時の調査中に、「黒い立派な乗用車」の中で採血されたと言う。車には運転手と(当時の呼び方で)看護婦がいたような気がすると思い出してきた。Aさんは、本の中の”Inez Hilger”という名前を書いたメールを送ってきた。即座に彼女の写真をウェブ上で見つけて返送すると、その顔と印象的なグレーの服装を覚えていたAさんの記憶が再確認されたようであった。

 そのシスターは、1965年6月から1966年2月まで8カ月間北海道に滞在して、二風谷、旭川鵡川、白老、静内などで文化人類学的調査を行ない、National Geographic(以下、NGと略す*3)の1967年2月号に”Japan’s ‘Sky People,’ the Vanishing Ainu”(「日本の『スカイ ピープル(空の民)』、消えつつあるアイヌ人」)を寄稿した、当時は「国際的な名声*4」を有していたシスター メアリー イーネズ ヒルガー*5(Sister Mary Inez Hilger)であると判明した。調査時のヒルガーは73-74歳であった*6ヒルガーは、それから10年後の1977年5月18日に85歳で死去している。

 American Anthropologist誌の追悼記事*7と前出のCSB Archives記事によれば、ヒルガーの人類学のキャリアの始まりは遅く、小・中学校と大学で25年間教鞭を執った後であった。ミネソタ大学でアメリカ史とアメリカ文学を専攻して卒業後、1925年に社会学ソーシャルワークカトリック大学から修士号を取得した。カトリック大学に最初の女性として入学した後、世界的に有名なマーガレット ミードによってさまざまな文化の子どもの生活に対する興味に火をつけられた。同大学で1939年に、チペワの家族に関する社会学、人類学、心理学の学際的研究で博士号を取得した。
 その頃のヒルガーの主たる専門的関心はアメリカとチリの先住民族にあった。修士号を取得した後、ミネソタ州ウィスコンシン州のチペワ(Chippewa)民族に関わるようになって、その後、アラパホ(Arapaho)、シャイヤン(Cheyenne)、スー(Sioux)、ホピ(Hopi)、メノミニー(Menomini)、クロウ(Crow)など、12*8のインディアン トライブで「危機にある」文化のフィールド調査を行ない、1946年にはチリに赴き、アラウカノ(Araucano)民族の研究も始めた。
 1965-66年の調査後のアイヌ民族に関する彼女の著作には、上記のNGの記事に続いて、翌年の1968年に同じくNG協会(National Geographic Society)によって出版されたVanishing Peoples of the Earth(『地球の消えつつある諸民族』の中(pp. 92-113)の”Mysterious ‘Sky People’: Japan's Dwindling Ainu”(「ミステリアスな「空の民」:日本の衰退しつつあるアイヌ」)、これら2つを参考文献として調査のスポンサーであったNG協会に報告書として提出した1969年の”The Ainu of Japan”(「日本のアイヌ人」)、1968年にAmerican Educational Films(アメリカ教育映画)と北海道教育委員会によって制作され、1969年に公開された映画”Canoes of the Ainu”(「アイヌのカヌー」)の半ページのレビュー(American Anthropologist, 72 (1979), p. 1576)、そして遺作となった1971年の著書、Together with the Ainu, a Vanishing People (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press)(『消えつつある民族、アイヌと共に』)がある。
 どのような経緯と目的で翻訳出版されたのかは現段階で把握していないが、1967年のNGの記事はナカムラ セイイチロウによって翻訳され、苫小牧郷土文化研究会によって小冊子として出版されているようである。これが現在、日本語で読むことができるヒルガーの唯一の著作のようであるが、私は未入手である。

 Aさんと私は、関係諸機関・団体の警戒心を呼び覚まさないために、写真と血液の問題を分けてアプローチすることにした。ヒルガーの著作によれば、彼女の調査にはNHKのツダ ゴロウとブラック スター社(Black Star, Inc.)のミヤザワ エイジという、2人のカメラマンが同行して写真を撮っていた。探している写真は、ひょっとすると日本にあるという可能性がないわけではない。しかし、今日までこの2人のカメラマンについての情報は得られず、文献調査によって集めた情報に基づいて、まずは最も可能性の高そうな2機関に写真について問い合わせることにした。現在、両機関で調査中で、私たちは回答待ちの状態である。

 問題は、血液採取の件である。ヒルガーの1971年のTogether with the Ainuを所持している方にも助けて戴いたが、私がその他の資料で確認したものと合わせても、ヒルガー自身が血液採取に関する記録を残していることはなさそうである。そもそも、他の人類学調査が小学校などの公の場で、周りの人間が知る中で集団で採血したのに対し、乗用車の中という密室で採血されており、証人がいない。その方法から推し量っても、立場上、公刊される文書類には記載しないであろう。私は、web上では開くことができなかったヒルガーのNGへの報告書を親切にもスキャンして、調査のための私的使用という制限付きで送ってくれたカトリック大学文書館の担当者に再度、ヒルガーの日記や旅行記などの私文書は保管されていないだろうかと問い合わせた。残念ながら、そういう類の文書はまったくないという返事が返ってきた。
 ヒルガーの著書、Together with the Ainuの巻末には、ヒルガーの調査に協力した男28人と女29人の計57人のアイヌのリストがある*11。幾つか姓と名が逆転したり、誤記ではないかと考えられる名前もあるが*12、これらの名前をカタカナにしてAさんに送った。自分の出身地域の人たちは全員に、そして全体でもおよそ3分の1の人に、知っているという印が付けられて返って来た。だが残念ながら、リストを入手した時から予期していた通り、ほとんど生存者がいない。1965-66年の調査であるから、当時42-43歳以上の人は今日100歳を超えている。57人のうち42-43歳以下の人は8人しかいない。萱野茂氏が当時、40歳と記されている。?が付いて年齢不詳の人が2人、そして、「その妻」とだけ記されている人が4人いるが、その配偶者は50代後半から60代である。今日100歳以下の8人のうち、Aさんが知っているのは3人だが、3人とも亡くなっている。残るは、15歳(男)、25歳(女)、30歳(男)が各1人、35歳(男)が2人の計5人である*13
 この時点で、一つ興味深いことに気づいた。ヒルガーが「消えつつある」民族と文化を研究するために「死につつある」文化を身に着けている人々に焦点を絞っていたとはいえ、特に先住民族の子どもの生活に関心を抱いていたという彼女が、8カ月もの滞在中にアイヌの子どもたちに関心を抱かず、接触しなかったはずがない。現にAさんと接触しているだけでなく、NGの記事の終盤には子どもたちへの言及と写真が度々出て来る。例えば、鵡川の三上セツさんの3世代家族の写真の2人の子ども(pp. 284-285)、萱野茂さんの13歳の息子(p. 290)、佐々木太郎さんの2歳の孫(p. 293)、2歳の子(p. 295)、そして、二風谷の小学校5年生の少女(p. 296)などである。
 もう一つの可能性がある。確かに、ヒルガーは自分の文化研究のために子どもたちの支援を多くは仰がなかったかもしれない。彼女がAさんから――そしてひょっとするとAさんの母親からも――血液を収集したのは、別の研究者や研究機関の要請によるものだったのかもしれない。それは、日本人かもしれないし、ヒルガーが自分の「長年の夢を実現させた*16」研究助成金を提供していたNG協会、あるいは彼女が研究員をしていたスミソニアン協会かもしれない。彼女は、チリでの研究ではウェンナー-グレン財団(Wenner-Gren Foundation)の支援も受けていた*17。1964年には国際生物学計画(IBP)が始まり、また日高地方の187人のアイヌから血液を収集したケンブリッジ調査隊が来道していたことなど、「消えつつある」先住民族からの血液収集をめぐる国際的な動向を背景に考えると、そのような推理をしてみたくもなるのである。


 私は、Aさんから最初に話を伺った時、正直言って、驚いた。今のAさんが人類学者にみすみす採血されるなどとは思いもよらなかったからである。しかし、Aさんも子どもの時は脆弱(vulnerable)だったのである。研究者たちは、1世紀以上にわたって、さまざまな脆弱な状態にある人々から人体組織を「標本」として「収集」してきた。ヒルガーの支援者として名前が挙がっている当時の大人たちのほとんどは、恐らく血液を採取されていないだろう。Aさんは、真相を知りたいと願っている。何のために採血されたのか。採られた血液はどうなったのか。研究材料として使われ、捨てられたのか。何の研究に? それとも、今もどこかの研究室で冷凍保存されて、次の研究のための出番を待っているのか。あるいはまた、管理者がいなくなって、役に立つこともなく廃棄される運命にあるのか。当時の子どもたちは今、広範囲に居住しているようで、Aさんが独りで証言を集めて回ることは非常に困難である。だが、Aさんは、シスターがアイヌの子どもから採血したという事実を確立して、次の段階へ進みたいと願っている。

* * * * *

 調査の初期段階で興味深い情報に遭遇していた。あるブログの「農耕文化の起源と農具の共通性」という投稿に、苫小牧郷土文化研究会の冊子の表紙の写真が載せられている。この記事の末尾に、UFO研究のパイオニアとして有名なジョージ H. ウィリアムソン(Dr. George Hunt Williamson)が、1961年8月16日に来日して、19日に「北海道へ飛び、北大アイヌ資料室の児玉博士と面会したあと、8月20日旭川アイヌ部落、21日にフゴッペ洞窟、21日に平取アイヌコタンを訪問し、沙流アイヌの長老よりオキクルミカムイの伝承に接しました」とある。上にリンクしたYouTube動画は、ウィリアムソンの生涯の研究家によるものであるが、それによれば、ウィリアムソンは、彼の著書のOther Tongues Other Fleshの翻訳版のプロモーションで1961年8月16日から9月25日まで宇宙友好協会(Cosmic Brotherhood Association=CBA)を設立した松村雄亮*18の招きで訪日したようである。1962-63年に日本で下調べをしていたというヒルガーの「空の民(Sky People)」の発想と無関係ではなさそうだと感じさせられた。
 実際、ヒルガーは、北海道調査から産出した最初の、1967年2月号のNG記事に「空の民」との遭遇を描いている。調査中に苫小牧に戻って数日間滞在中、彼女はクワダ ツトムという日本人男性から電話を受けた。彼は、「アイヌ民族がどこから来たのかを知っている」と言い、ヒルガーの研究を手助けできると申し出た。ヒルガーは、後のNGへの調査報告書で、「アイヌ人が白人(Caucasoid)であることは間違いない」と、外見によって判断して述べているが*19、ここでひとしきりアイヌ人あるいはアイヌ民族の起源に関する諸学説を並べた後、この若い日本人男性と会って話した様子を「空飛ぶ円盤 訪問者には謎に非ず(Flying Saucers No Puzzle to Guest)」という節を設けて描いている。
 「アイヌ人の終わりは間近だ」と、ここでも「消えゆく」という観念がクワダの言葉を引き合いに強調された後、クワダは「始まりについて話してあげることができる」と述べた。そして彼は、アイヌ民族は「空から来た」のであって、その祖先は「宇宙人(space people)――今も雲の中で生活し、地球にあの空飛ぶ円盤を送る人々と同じなのです」と断じだ。
 ここでヒルガーは、自らの調査中に、多くのアイヌの年長者が自分たちの起源が宇宙にあるという伝説を信じているということを知ったという話を持ち出し、沙流川流域の創造神話の記念碑に言及して、クワダの話と繋いでいる。これが、ヒルガーがアイヌを「空の民」、スカイ ピープルと称した由縁であるが、NGの記事では、この終盤に辿り着いて初めて、それが理解できるし、この箇所以外には「空の民」への言及はない。*20
 さらに、ウィリアムソンの話に戻ると、上にリンクした動画の研究者によれば、彼は、大学での研究から離れた1952年に始まる彼の人生の第2段階に入る前年の1951年7月、24歳の時にミネソタ州のチペワ トライブに移り住み、1952年5月まで暮した。彼は、『チペワ ダイアリー』を残している。この中にヒルガーへの言及があるかどうかは今のところ分からないが、少なくともチペワ トライブがヒルガーとの間に何らかの形で介在しているのかもしれない。
 Aさんが「古代の宇宙飛行士(ancient astronaut)」や宇宙人の子孫の標本として血液を採取されたのではないかという謎は、本人には笑えない冗談であろうし、今のところ入らない方が良さそうである。アイヌ民族は、ヒルガーにとって「謎」であった。しかし、彼女は今日、アイヌ民族(と私たち)にとって真に謎である。


*2:Cf. 「1964年のケンブリッジ調査隊によるアイヌ血液採取と東大研究者による1970年の公刊論文のためのアイヌ血液採取」(2018年4月28日).

*3:冗談抜きに、No Goodの略ではない。

*4:"SISTER M. INEZ HILGER, O.S.B. 1891-1977," American Anthropologist, Vol. 80 (1978), p. 650.



*7:前掲、pp. 650-653。


*9:“Culture and Human Behavior,” The Mainichi Daily News, February 3 & 4 (Tokyo, Japan); “Culture Changes in Japan,” American Benedictine Review 15:4.

*10:ヒルガーの著書の批評は、Fred C. C. Peng’sの書評(American Anthropologist, Vol. 74 (1972), pp. 1434-1439)を参照されたい。同書には相互に関係していると見られる2つの方法論上の弱点があると批評されている。ここでは特に、その1つ目に注目しておきたい。因みに2つ目は、彼女が調査に協力してくれたアイヌの言葉を鵜呑みにしていたことへの批判である。 <改行> ヒルガーは、来日すると宮内庁を訪問した。そして、宮内庁→外務省→道知事室→各市町村長→各地のアイヌという、今日にも見られそうな順に、彼女の調査に便宜を図るようにとの通知が行っていたようである。それが影響したのか、「差別」の章においてもヒルガーは、日本政府の機嫌を損ねるような厳しいことは書いていないと批判されている。あたかも今日の官僚や「有識者」がこの本を参考にでもしたかのような、よく耳にする空っぽの言葉と同じような観察が記されている。

*11:“Appendix A: Ainu Who Assisted Us in the Study,” pp. 203-205. 公刊されている書籍に掲載されているものであり、ここに公開しても良いと思われるが、念のため、今は控えることにする。

*12:アイヌの名前に関するヒルガーの問題は、Fred C. C. Pengの前掲の書評、(American Anthropologist, Vol. 74 (1972), pp. 1438-1439を参照されたい。


*14:pp. 292-293. 引用文の原文:The new generation are not really Ainu children at all. (p. 293)


*16:前掲NG記事、p. 268。

*17:前掲のAmerican Anthropologist, Vol. 880 (1978)の追悼記事、p. 650


*19:Hilger, NGへの前掲報告書(1969)、p. 91。この見解を今日、少なくとも50人以上のアイヌから血液を収集し、その標本を二次利用してきた遺伝人類学者の尾本惠市や斎藤成也たちは否定している。Cf. 尾本惠市一「アイヌの遺伝的起源」『日本研究』(国際日本文化研究センター)第14集 (1996年7月31日)、pp. 197-213;斎藤成也『核DNA解析でたどる日本人の源流』(河出書房新社、2017年)。もちろん、この問題にもここでは立ち入らないことにする。

*20:1967年のNG記事、pp. 290-292。


Stop the landfill of Henoko / Oura Bay until a referendum can be held in Okinawa.(⇦クリック)Created by R.K. on December 08, 2018.
 右端に、名、姓、emailアドレスを入力後、確認メールが送られてくるので、その中の"Confirm your signature by clicking here"をクリックすれば、署名がカウントされます。

【速報】辺野古 土砂投入開始 周辺で抗議活動沖縄テレビ 12/14(金) 11:47配信)

Invasion of Guam/グアムへの侵略


Attack on Guam - December 8 1941 posted by JRM Guam.

Historical interview with a native Guam World War II survivor posted by JRM Guam.

P.S.(2018.12.08, 22:45):ジェネシスヘルスケア社に言及して以来、しょっちゅう「あなたも遺伝子検査、してみませんか」というGoogleの広告が出るので腹立たしい。「実績解析65万人」だと。そのデータは、どうしてるのかな。なんで、途中のその位置(「検査」の後)に読点を入れてるんだ。


P.S. #3(2018.12.14):大荒れだな。浦島太郎状態だ。

P.S. #4(2018.12.14, 19:23):証言集めは、あのロッカーを一つひとつ当たっていくシーンと同じですね。森の出口が見つかると良いですが。

P.S. #5(2018.12.15, 14:36):ある人のツイートをクリックしたら、時系列的に並んでいるツイートに表示されている日付と違う日時の投稿になっていた。どっちが正しいのか、ツイッターを使っていないからよく分からない。今まで、前者にしか注意してなかった。投稿時間によっては、ちょっと気になる発言なのだが。

12月8日(w/ a P.S.)

America During the Great Depression: Let’s Go America | Educational Film | 1936 posted by The Best Film Archives.

 ついでだから、今日に因んで、Pearl Harbor: The Attack posted by PBS.

"December 7th" (a 1943 John Ford film) and the real footage within - from THE EDUCATION ARCHIVE posted by Intelligent Channel.



P.S.(2018.12.08, 17:33):この記事に追記した。

You can email us by stringing the blog title together and placing it before the Yahoo! Japan domain.